CAPTIVITY ADDRESS TO RWANDANS AND FRIENDS OF RWANDA

CAPTIVITY ADDRESS TO RWANDANS AND FRIENDS OF RWANDA

Kigali, May 3, 2010

Fellow Rwandans,
Friends of Rwanda,

It is almost 4 months back to my homeland after 16 years in exile. It was unbearable to hear the pain and the misery of my people at thousands of miles away. Upon my arrival, the regime, the state machinery and partisan media launched unrelenting demonizing campaign. The harassment and intimidation paved the way to endless police grilling. There has been no relief at all. The reason is just to repress my political rights, to fabricate criminal records, to derail the registration of my political party UDF INKINGI and to deter my presidential eligibility.

1. Captivity

You may all recall that on 21^st April 2010, the Rwandan government arrested me. I spent one night in jail. My home was violently searched the same night and up to date the state police have never returned our two computers, one computer of a visitor, computer programs, digital camera, disks, flash drives, cell phones, contracts, business cards, party flyers, flags and logos, passport, driving license, and all paper documents. The following day upon my request to be granted a bail, I was provisionally released from the jail. Since then, I can neither travel abroad nor go beyond the capital city of Kigali. Held under "extended" house arrest, I also have to report to the Prosecutor’s office twice a month. In reality, as it was shortly after my return, I have no freedom of movement. The only difference is that this time it is “legal”. I am in captivity.

I know many of you are eager and thirsty to hear live our freedom message. In this attempt to freeze our political activities and to thwart the road to democracy, the government has decided to put me “in chains” but my determination is still intact.

Even though being imprisoned is something any democratic opposition leader, who is peacefully fighting against a dictatorial regime, should expect and be aware of, nobody should give up the individual liberties. I would like therefore to thank all the people who played a role in my release from jail. Particularly, I would like to thank my dear fellows UDF-Inkingi’s members, who provided me with all the necessary means I crucially needed in order to stand a trial in court. I would also like to thank the Rwandan people who came massively to my court hearing.

I am writing to thank you all for your support and your prayers, to inform you about the circumstances of my captivity and about my trial, and to strengthen you in the hope for a democratic and better Rwanda.

2. My trial is politically motivated

Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda,

This trial is trumped-up on false accusations because the prosecutor knows well that I am innocent. However, because I am engaged in a political fight, my opponents relied on media lynching of my person using public and private media and government institutions. I was even physically assaulted within the premises of an administrative building. As the time went on, my opponents came to realize that such acts of harassment and intimidation did not deter my determination. Instead, I continued to visit the Rwandan people nationwide. My opponents finally brandished the wall of laws, their own laws with their own reading. I was repeatedly summoned, almost every week since February, by the Criminal Investigation Department until my arrest and jail on 21^st April 2010.

Briefly why am I being harassed? What are the charges levied against me?

- Promoting divisionism

- Harboring genocide ideology

- Creating an armed group and collaboration with the FDLR.

2.1. Promoting divisionism

2.1.1. We belong to an opposition political party

You all know that I am the chairperson of an opposition political party. Compared to the current regime, we see things differently on several crucial issues facing our country. We refuse to be led by a one-man-rule, a state-party system for fear of being accused of divisionism. The Rwandan Constitution recognizes a multi-party system. That means the Constitution gives the Rwandan people the right to conceive and freely express dissenting political ideas.

We attest that the Rwandan people live under the yoke of fear and ignorance. People are kept in perpetual extreme poverty characterized by widespread malnutrition and poor healthcare, especially in rural areas. Government officials are forcing people to destroy their banana plantations even though these plantations represent the principal source of income for the poor. The healthcare system doesn’t guarantee healthcare coverage for all the Rwandan people due to scarcity and high cost of prescription drugs even though every Rwandan is required to subscribe to the universal health insurance coverage (Mutuelles de Santé).

The reform of the education sector should go hand in hand with adequate infrastructures, trained human resources and relevant translated books. How will teachers deliver in languages they don’t speak? This is terrible for the quality of the education. In schools, History teachers are totally confused: the regime’s political manipulations are in total conflict with the facts.

We are not afraid to tell the world that the Rwandans are under the yoke of fear and darkness, the hunger is acute in rural Rwanda. We are against the fact that the Gacaca courts that were traditionally responsible for settling social disputes, consider cases that require special knowledge that the criminal court judges do not have. This is even more serious because it involves crimes as serious as genocide. We are also opposed to the fact that the accused in these courts have no right to be assisted by a lawyer.

Professor Andre Guichaoua, a renowned researcher from the International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda (ICTR) in Arusha, Tanzania, recently published a reference book titled “Rwanda, from War to Genocide. Criminal Politics in Rwanda, 1990-1994.” In this book, Andre Guichaoua thoroughly analyzed the Gacaca court system and found that nearly all Rwandans who were at least 14 years old and were living in Rwanda before 1994 have been dragged to Gacaca courts.

2.1.2. Some utterances from the President of Rwanda are surprising

The Government machinery recently suspended two independent newspapers, split two political parties while other parties have been denied authorization to hold their constituent congress, a necessary step towards the registration of any political party. They jailed politicians such as Deogratias Mushayidi and senior military officers. If someone says that there is something rotten in Rwanda’s leadership, government officials are quick to brandish the law on divisionism.

We say we need a democratic change, more political space, freedom of speech and the President of Rwanda claims to hold us in contempt, as worthless people, criminals, and hooligans. He even boasted about how it was patriotic to shoot people in the DRC.

When I recently heard such utterances I felt deep sadness. I truly respect the President of Rwanda. I am a mother I will never dare to insult him even thought he insulted me. Such a speech was delivered during the 16^th commemoration of the genocide against the Tutsis and a week after before both chambers of the Senate and the National Assembly. Although I was outraged, I did not deem necessary to respond, there was nothing I could say about it. Whoever says this is not acceptable is accused of divisionism. Should we shy to denounce these utterances simply because they are from a head of state or his government? No.

2.1.3. Ethnic problems should not be taboo

In Rwanda, people are afraid of discussing openly the current ethnic problem. To attest that the Rwandan population is composed of three ethnic groups is neither a crime nor a problem. The problem is to be deprived of your fundamental rights simply because you are Tutsi, Hutu, or Twa. It does not make sense to allege that there are no ethnic groups in Rwanda while we all know that Tutsis were decimated simply because of their ethnicity and were slaughtered because they were Tutsis. We attest that we already have a comprehensive plan to deal with this ethnic problem from its root causes in order to protect everybody’s right to life through a legal framework that would guarantee that no Rwandan would be threatened because of his/her ethnic background.

2.2. Harboring genocide ideology

2.2.1. We recognize the genocide

I and the political party I chair, UDF-Inkingi, which was created in 2006, we recognize that in 1994, in Rwanda, there has been genocide against the Tutsis. We also recognize that during that time, before and after, there have been crimes against humanity committed against other groups of the Rwandan population. These are facts we witnessed but also recognized by the United Nations, Resolution No 955 of November 08, 1994. We also believe that anyone who has responsibility in those unspeakable killings against humanity should be held accountable.

This is what the current regime calls harboring genocide ideology or genocide denial.

2.2.2. Our position on reconciliation

We advocate for national reconciliation of the Rwandan people. However, we strongly believe that true reconciliation cannot be achieved as long as the sufferings of some Rwandans who lost their relatives during those killings have not been officially recognized. We need to encourage Rwandans to talk about the tragedy with no taboo, to bring them together in order to set solid guidelines for a long lasting settlement. Justice needs to be fair and not selective.

2.2.3. Destruction of the symbol of democracy

On 1^st May 2010 late night, the regime masterminded the profanation of the symbol of democracy by exhuming the rests of Mr. Dominique Mbonyumutwa, the first President of the Republic of Rwanda. This is a wrong signal to the Democratic and Freedom values in Rwanda. Those manipulations of national history to suit the regime’s interests are sidelining the state, becoming a separate entity from the whole society.

2.3. Collaborating with the FDLR

I refer to my speech of 16^th January 2010 in Kigali upon arrival: “I am a daughter and a mother, moved by the misery and humiliations of my people. I don't need an army to defeat the dictatorship. All we need is determination, commitment and patience. The sacrifices of all committed people will overcome our misery and this endless crisis in our motherland. (...) We don't need another war in our country. Too much blood has been poured. Enough is enough…”

Why do they want me to collaborate with rebels? I don’t need them. They have been tackling each other for over 16 years. We need to bring this to an end. We need peace. We condemn the politics that killed nearly 5 millions of our Congolese neighbors since 1996.

Those who have fought, have they achieved long lasting peace? No. Why should we be inspired by a failure?

They will parade dozens, hundreds of ex-FDLR, to accuse us of any thing they want. Our answer remains the same; the war is not an answer. How one can achieve anything with that kind of paraded colonels? Why have they kept them in military facilities since 2009 before I came back home, and are making big cases of them now?

The political decision to register our political party in the country to compete with this regime was not an easy decision that we took recklessly. We first put together our ideas, thoroughly analyzed many ways we should use and related consequences in order to solve the political deadlock. We chose the non-violent way in our fight for freedom, justice and democracy.

FDLR rebels are Rwandans. They need sincere guarantees prior to repatriation. Those involved in crimes await fair justice. Others deserve a normal socio-professional life. If you jail a politician on suspicions of talking to elements of a rebellion how you can assure them to come home and be safe?

We are in total disagreement with the current government policy of "poaching" some FDLR leaders, while encouraging the use of force against the others.

I therefore solemnly set the goal that if the Rwandan people trust me and elect me as President of Rwanda; my government will hold direct talks with the FDLR. They are Rwandans and have no other country on this planet. However, those who are responsible for crimes of genocide or crimes against humanity will face justice.

3. Our position on the Rwanda Defense Forces

“I am not bringing an army with me”. There is a very capable army is in the country. As long as the army will opt for political neutrality and work towards the fulfillment of the duties of maintaining integrity and sovereignty of the country, protecting the Rwandan people, ensuring peace and security in the region, and protecting government institutions issued from genuine democratic processes, I will always believe in that army.

The Rwanda Defense Force is a key factor for the stability of this country. Many Rwandans respect the motto saying: “In the RDF, good leadership; discipline; mutual trust and respect between members; respect for the law and enduring loyalty to the constitution, are the cornerstone of our success and constant ability to be a force for good”. In this respect, we strongly advocate for professionalism, carrier stability and leadership empowerment.

I therefore take this opportunity to inform and assure soldiers within the RDF, who were not aware of this understanding, that this is indeed our position on the problem regarding the Rwandan army.

Conclusion

Fellow Rwandans, Friends of Rwanda,

We call upon partner countries and the international community to support our efforts to bring about a lasting solution in Rwanda. Development indicators are encouraging but will remain fragile as long as they lack a solid foundation, as long as Rwanda is a one-man-rule. Proponents of the current regime have touted its benefits, such as faster economic growth, more economic opportunities and higher standards of living. However, this process is bypassing big swaths of particularly vulnerable populations. Large segments of the population face crushing poverty.

There will be no lasting stability and no sustainable development without democracy, without fair justice, without the rule of law, without a genuine reconciliation. Those who believed that stability and development were possible in Rwanda without democratization have seen the limits. We strongly believe that long-term, sustainable economic and social development requires democratic governance rooted in the rule of law.

I would like to finish this message by calling upon the President of Rwanda, Paul Kagame, to let me recover my full freedom and liberties, so that I can enjoy my political rights which are the reason I came back home from exile, hold the constitutional congress of my political party, register the party, compete during the elections and let the Rwandan people decide.

God bless you all.

Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza,
UDF INKINGI, Chair.

Kayumba Nyamwasa: Rwanda’s sadistic general

The former army chief of staff of Rwanda fled the country last week. At the time of his defection, he had been Rwanda’s ambassador to India.

Lt. Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa is one of a growing number of senior Rwandan army officers who in recent years have fallen out with President Paul Kagame.

Media reports in Rwanda and Uganda early this week said he had fled into Uganda, with the latest reports from Uganda saying he had since moved on to South Africa.

In 2007, another senior military officer and former director of intelligence, Patrick Karegyeya, also fled to Uganda and then on to South Africa.

Once again, the much-hyped Rwandan intelligence services have been taken unawares by this defection.

Who is Kayumba Nyamwasa?

Lt. Gen. Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa, like most senior RPF government officials, is a Tutsi and lived most of his life as a refugee in Uganda.

Brig. Kayumba Nyamwasa is from the Abaganza clan of the Tutsi (or a Muganza). President Paul Kagame is from the Baganza clan. The late Major General Fred Rwigyema and Major Peter Baingana were from the royal Abanyignya clan.

Kayumba Nyamwasa studied at Mbarara High School in western Uganda and later enrolled at Makerere University in Kampala. He resided in Lumumba Hall.

From there, in 1984, he joined Yoweri Museveni’s National Resistance Army (NRA) guerrillas fighting in the Luwero Triangle.

He served in the Ugandan army after 1986 and was one of the Tutsi soldiers who invaded Rwanda in Oct. 1990 at the start of the RPF’s four-year guerrilla war.

At the time the RPF was fighting, Nyamwasa’s wifeAt the time the RPF was fighting, Nyamwasa’s wife worked at the International Credit Bank in Kampala owned by the late Thomas I. Katto.

By 1994, Nyamwasa was the director of military intelligence in the rebel Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA), the military wing of the RPF.

As the Uganda Record reported in a world exclusive last month, the directorate of military intelligence of the RPA was the unit that prepared, coordinated, and executed the firing of the missile that brought down the presidential jet on April 6, 1994.

There is even some speculation that Nyamwasa’s defection might have had something to do with the Uganda Record report, as the RPF government has been desperately trying to conceal all trace of that assassination in 1994.

At the time President Kagame sent Nyamwasa to India as Rwanda’s ambassador, the two men had fallen out and there were behind the scenes reconciliation moves.

That was the reason Kagame sent him to India in the first place, to create the right conditions for reconciliation.

The Rwandan Ministry of Foreign Affairs has issued a statement saying Nyamwasa “ceases to represent Rwanda to India and any and all other countries or institutions, with immediate effect. Prior to his defection, Nyamwasa was questioned by Rwandan investigative authorities on serious criminal charges.”

Nyamwasa’s sadistic personality

As the RPF fought out its guerrilla war in the early 1990s, a sadistic side to Nyamwasa came into view of RPF soldiers, some of whom are still traumatised by what they witnessed him do.

In 1992 and 1993, 1,500 Hutus at the Commune Muvumba and Commune Kiyombe (commune means “gombolola”) were killed by being hit with a blunt hoe in an operation commanded by Lt. Col. Jackson Rwahama and Nyamwasa, assisted by the RPA’s 7th Mobile Brigade commanded by Capt. William Bagire.

The Battalions of the 7th Mobile Brigade involved in the atrocities were Sierra, Bravo, and 7th.

The Hutu captives were brought in numbers of 100 at a go and put into trenches that were then sealed with iron sheets. They were then left to die in the pit.

When the RPF took power in 1994, they started confiscating Hutu land and houses all over Rwanda. Much of the property was given to the returning Tutsi exiles.

Major General Fred Ibingira and Kayumba Nyamwasa massacred thousands of Hutu in 1995 and 1996 and took their land in the communes of Muhazi, Rwamagana, and Kayunza, (an area that is about the size of the area between Kampala and Entebbe in Uganda).

The murder of Major Lizinde

A Rwandan army officer named Major Theoneste Majoro Lizinde became the Commandant of the RPA’s General Headquarters in the early 1990s.

He was a Hutu and had been in the Rwandan government army.

He later fled to Nairobi, Kenya, after falling out with the RPF government. He was gunned down in Nairobi by Kagame’s agents.

Why did he defect to Nairobi?

In mid 1994, shortly before the RPA captured state power, Lizinde ate a sheep that the RPA used to move about with in battle. It appears that this sheep was used as some kind of spiritual protection to the RPF’s fighters.

When confronted by the RPA officers over the sheep, Lizinde said he did not see why they should complain about his slaughtering and eating the sheep.

After all, Lizinde said, had the RPA not massacred 5,000 Hutu in two communes Muvumba and Kiyombe and the bodies dumped in mass graves, and that he was an eye witness to these atrocities?

After this confrontation, Lizinde was stripped of his job and his escorts were taken away. After taking power, the RPF government put Lizinde in charge of of logistics in the RPA.

He defected to Kenya through Uganda. Lizinde said he had witnessed Lt. Col. Jackson Rwahama and Kayumba Nyamwasa murder the 5,000 Hutus.

In late 1993, at commune Muvumba, Kayumba Nyamwasa personally handled a corporal of the government army who had been captured in battle.

Nyamwasa shot the corporal at and below the knees with a pistol until his legs fell apart.

Nyamwasa then got a machete and heated it in a fire place that the RPF fighters used to cook their food, until the machete became extremely hot. He then got the machete and started pressing it on the face, back, shoulders, and stomach of the corporal as the corporal screamed in agony and later died.

A number of RPF soldiers who witnessed the murder of the captured corporal were frightened by what they had seen.

From April 21 to 25, 1995, over 2,000 Hutus were murdered near the airport under the order and supervision of: Col. Kayumba Nyamwasa, Maj. Jack Nziza, and Lt Emmanuel Gasana, all of them from the Directorate of Military Intelligence

In 1997 into 1998, more than 2,000 Hutu were murdered at the localities of Cyabingo and Ruhondo by Col. Kayumba Nyamwasa, Lt. Col. Karake Karenzi (the commander of the 408th Brigade), Maj. Philbert Rwigamba of the 67th Battalion, Maj. Firmin Bayingana, and Capt.Misingo Karari of Ruhengeri.

Other RPF soldiers spoke of other atrocities committed by Nyamwasa in the captured town of Butare.

Rwanda: Two generals under arrest for “conspiracy”

Two generals under arrest for “conspiracy”

DR Congo and Rwanda War criminal: Paul Kagame

Currently, General Wilson Gumisiriza and his colleague General Fred Ibingira are under arrest following a report of the Department of Military Intelligence (DMI) indicating that the two senior officers were part of a band of conspirators.
However, the aim is to keep the generals away from war crimes investigators. How can we forget the massacres that were carried out in Kibeho Camp by General Fred Ibingira on the orders of African Butcher, Paul Kagame. Its the same tactic that was used with another Killer called Laurent Nkunda.

General Fred Ibingira

The alleged plot was aimed at ensuring that Dr. Charles Muligande be designated as the candidate of the RPF-Inkotanyi (instead of General Paul Kagame) for the 2010 Presidential elections. Other reliable sources indicate that it might also be charged to General Gumisiriza to have mismanaged the ongoing joint military operations (Kimia II) aimed at uprooting the FDLR from South Kivu, DRC.

General Wilson Gumisiriza

The security index is currently set higher in Kigali

Although it is difficult to confirm (or disprove) the above information, the arrest of these senior officers is effective. This event shows that as the Rwandan presidential elections approach, the Kagame’s regime is becoming increasingly nervous. This is quite normal for General Kagame who is known for his brutality. Indeed, in his ascension to power and his struggle to preserve it, Kagame did not only make friends.

Many senior members of his army would like to be caliphs thereby replacing the current caliph (Kagame), especially those who hail from the Ugandan clan. This small group of officers who are omnipotent in Kigali does not look kindly at certain decisions of the current President and may be waiting for the right opportunity to get rid of such a leader renowned for being brutal and paranoid. Even his Americans friends themselves would certainly be delighted to see the emergence of a Rwandan leadership that is less polarizing and therefore better able to serve their interests in the region.

Kagame has up to date been an important cog in the mechanism of geopolitics but as this is true for any wheel, upon mechanical jam, the wheel must be replaced right away. So far the only string at which holds the political survival of Kagame is just the inability of the Congolese political leaders to effectively manage (or even seem to do so as this is the case in Kigali) a country as large as the European continent.

But as stated by the widow of Ngo Dinh Diem, the leader of the Republic of Vietnam who was supported by the U.S. before being deposed and assassinated by the CIA after nearly 10 years of loyal service, “Whoever has the Americans as allies does not need enemies”. As was the case in Vietnam, the interests (and secrets) of Anglo-Saxons would be better protected by a person whose legitimacy could not be questioned and who would certainly be acclaimed by his people, neighbors and the International Community for having helped Africa to get rid of one of the greatest war criminal.

War criminal: a label that sticks to the skin

As it is usually said here in Europe, once your name is in the computer it is over for you. The reputation of Kagame as a war criminal is already well established. Even when he appears on CNN or other western media, nobody forgets to recall that the man is an autocrat whose record of service would fade a Mugabe. Obviously, the only excuse that he finds is that that he has apparently developed the country compared to other countries in the region. Hover, on should not make any mistake because this political marketing will soon reach its limits. The latest United Nations Development Program (UNDP) report shows that in terms of human development, Rwanda remains one of the worst countries in the world. Indeed, the former senior UN official in Cambodia has finally shown that behind the facade that Rwanda shows, there is a hidden disproportionate suffering afflicting the Rwandan population. Westerners may still say what Kagame wants to hear (i.e. keep secret all these black files) but when he will no longer be president, he will surely suffer the same fate as Pinochet.

A way out: the Ugandan clan versus Paul and/or Ivan Kagame

Whatever Kagame’s political fate would be, it is definitely linked to the above mentioned military officers that hail from Ugandan. These powerful officers all come from Uganda (as Kagame) and have helped him seize power in Rwanda. As this is the case to all regimes from military coups, members of the original junta represent personalities that are potentially harmful to the sitting head of state. Indeed, not only the members of such a junta have the material means but also and especially because psychologically they do not view Kagame as the head of state but as a mere member of the team who was fortunate to be chosen and accepted by them. In their views, the president owes them everything and they behave as such. The proof is in the aborted attempt to overtrow Kagame by a former military chief of staff, Kayumba Nyamwasa. Contrary to his habit, Kagame could not physically get rid of this influential man so loved by his soldiers (and by the English apparently) and decided to exile him as the current Rwandan Ambassador in India.

In the near future, it will be either Kagame or the Ugandan clan. Kagame already aware of how powerful his comrades are, gradually sets them aside and replace them with a new guard already well indoctrinated and very docile. The recent news of the military training of his eldest son, Ivan Kagame, is the most significant sign of such a strategy. Kagame knows that the clock is ticking and waits impatiently for her son to return home from West Point Military Academy to help him with the housework.

Unfortunately, the Ugandan clan members are not stupid and probably will certainly not wait until that moment. Even the most faithful officers like James Kabarebe, the current military chief of staff, begin having wings. In particular, the latter who has never set foot in school would not be pleased to see Ivan Kagame back home brandishing a diploma from the prestigious WestPoint Military Academy. These once faithful officers also do not have time to lose because they know Kagame’s nature, known to be even more paranoid and brutal than the inimitable Idi Amin.

Currently, and probably for a while, the greatest threat to the Kigali regime lies in its military ranks and more specifically at the top of the army. The vision and bad governance practices, Paul Kagame has managed to create mortal enemies within the powerful Rwanda Defense Force. Such enemies are still waiting for the right moment to cut Kagame’s throat ….with probably the support from his American friends.

By Arthur Ngenzi

President Kagame

Paul Kagame became President of Rwanda in March 2000, after Bizimungu was deposed. Three and a half years later, on August 25, 2003, he won a landslide victory in the first national elections

A presidential election was held in Rwanda on 25 August2003. Paul Kagame easily won the election against a weak opposition.ResultsSource…
since his government took power in 1994 winning 94% of the votes..

Kagame is highly critical of the United Nations

The United Nations is an international organization whose stated aims are to facilitate cooperation in international law, international security, economic development, Social change, human rights and achieving world peace….
and its role in the 1994 genocide. In March 2004, his public criticism of France for its role in the genocide and its lack of preventative actions caused a diplomatic row. In November 2006, Rwanda severed all diplomatic ties with France and ordered all its diplomatic staff out of Rwanda within 24 hours following Judge Bruguiere issuing warrants accusing nine high ranking Rwandans of plotting the downing of President Juvenal Habyarimana’s airplane in 1994 and also accusing Kagame of ordering the plane shot down.

The Spanish judge has passed a resolution on 06/02/2008 which issues international arrest warrants against 40 people who belonged or continue to belong to the highest ranking political-military helm of the Rwandan Patriotic Army/Rwandan Patriotic Front.

The Rwandan Patriotic Front abbreviated as RPF is the current ruling political party of Rwanda, led by President Paul Kagame. It governs in a coalition with other parties….
(RPA/RPF) which has held power in Rwanda since 1994. The arrest warrants charge them with the crimes of genocide, crimes against humanity, war crimes and terrorism, among others. Paul Kagame Charged as the alleged main responsible for following crimes: A) Genocide
Genocide

Genocide is the deliberate and systematic destruction, in whole or in part, of an ethnic, racial, religious, or national group.While precise genocide definitions, a legal definition is found in the 1948 United Nations Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide ….
; B) Crimes against humanity; C) War crimes: against protected people and property in the event of armed conflict (abuses, prohibited combat weapons, indiscriminate attacks, violation of health centers/sanitary units, attacks to property; acts against statutes of international Treaties; E) Membership in terrorist organization; F) Terrorist acts.

The Spanish Judge has obtained numerous pieces of testimonial and documentary evidence, as well as evidence from expert witnesses, regarding the afore-mentioned crimes allegedly perpetrated by the RPA/RPF in Rwanda

The Republic of Rwanda is a small landlocked country in the Great Lakes region of east-central Africa, bordered by Uganda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Tanzania….
and the Democratic Republic of Congo in the period 1990-2000, primarily. This investigation has allowed to reveal that the RPA/RPF’s rigid, hierarchical chain of command, headed by President Paul Kagame, is responsible for three major and closely interrelated blocks of crime: a) crimes perpetrated against 9 Spanish victims – missionaries and aid workers- whose first priority was helping the local population and by so doing, were all inconvenient observers of the killings of Hutu inhabitants in both countries; b) crimes against Rwandans and Congolese, either perpetrated pointedly against various specific leaders, or systematically carried out as mass murders of hundreds of thousands of civilians; and c) crimes of war pillage- the systematic, large-scale plundering of natural resources, especially strategically valuable minerals. The investigation has shown that large-scale crimes took place in Central Africa at all different stages: prior to, during and after the mass killings of the Tutsi population that took place in the period April-June 1994 –all of them classified as genocide by the UN Security Council in its ad hoc resolution. The official version that has managed to prevail in international public opinion, however, only points to the killings occurred in the above-mentioned period. The judicial decision brings to light an array of facts: first, that six RPA/RPF army units and 2,400 military men – backed by military, logistical and political support from Uganda – had already, as early as October 1, 1990, invaded northern Rwanda, causing the death of countless Hutu civilians. Secondly, that from 1991 to 1993, the RPA/RPF had carried out a great number of open and carefully targeted military operations against civilians through its two executor agents – the RPA’s regular army and the Directorate Military Intelligence or DMI’s secret services- , creating likewise special death squads such as the “Network Commando”. Thirdly, that in 1994 the RPA buried and hid in Uganda large amounts of weapons (to be smuggled later into Rwanda) before planning the attack against J. Habyarimana
Habyarimana

The name Habyarimana is Rwandan and occurs in a number of personal names….
, Rwandan president at the time, which was the event that triggered the entire chaos. Further to that action in 1994, as well as in 1995, the RPA and DMI perpetrated mass and targeted crimes against civilians, mostly Hutu, following Paul Kagame’s explicit instructions to eliminate the population indiscriminately (albeit using the term “screening”). The RPA and DMI also organized collective burials in mass graves and mass incinerations of corpses in Akagera or Nyungwe Parks. The investigation has also revealed that in 1996 and 1997, the RPA/RPF set out to systematically attack Hutu refugee camps in former Zaire

Zaire

The Republic of Zaire was the name of the present Democratic Republic of the Congo between 27 October 1971, and 17 May 1997. The name of Zaire derives from the , itself an adaptation of the Kongo language nzere or nzadi, or “the river that swallows all rivers”, and is often still used to refer to that state, perhaps because “Zai…
, killing hundreds of thousands of Rwandans and Congolese. It also organized the plundering of mineral resources such as diamonds, coltan and gold, thereby creating the intricate web of corruption led by the “Congo Desk”, the DMI and Rwandan companies –among them, Tristar Investment- all of whom were backed by multinational corporations and Western powers. During its second military invasion which started in 1998, it continued to engage in these activities setting forth its trail of killing and plundering which continues to date in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Spanish Court’s decision marks a key turning point in the efforts to stop the scenario of impunity which continues to date. Based on evidence brought forth which complies with all legal requirements, the decision spells out some of the fundamental truths that had been concealed about this conflict.This important ruling is expected to contribute to peacemaking among the people and ethnic groups in this greatly battered Central African region

The most flagrant criminal acts which are object of this judicial ruling dated 06/02/2008: • October 1 1990-1991-1992: Massacres of civilians in the municipalities of northern Rwanda; targeted attacks, among others.

• 1993: Massacres of civilians in northern Rwanda, especially in Byumba and Ruhengeri (February); attack against Emmanuel Gapyisi (May 8).

• 1994: Attack against Felicien Gatabazi (February 21); massacres of civilians in Rwanda, especially in Byumba (April) and in its soccer stadium (April 23), as well as violent death of Spanish priest Joaquim Vallmajó and other Rwandan clergy in Byumba (April 26); massacre of civilians in Muhura led by Paul Kagame himself (12 mayo); violent death of Rwandan bishops, priests and nuns in Gakurazo (June 5), among others.

• 1995: Massacres of civilians in Rwanda; massacres in Centers of Internally Displaced People (IDP) as well as massacres and incineration of corpses in Nyungwe Forest and in Akagera National Park.

• 1996: Massacres of civilians in northwestern Rwanda (December); attacks on Rwandan refugee camps in Zaire, systematic killings of Rwandan and Zairean civilian population (October- December), as well as violent deaths of Spanish clergymen Servando Mayor, Julio Rodríguez, Miguel Angel Isla Lucio and Fernando de la Fuente in Nyamirangwe/Bukavu, Zaire (October 31); pillage of natural resources – especially minerals such as diamonds, coltan and gold – and plunder of of banks in eastern Zaire.

• 1997: Massacres of civilians in northwestern Rwanda, especially in Ruhengeri, Gisenyi and Cyangugu (Jan.-March), as well as violent death of Spanish volunteers Flors Sirera, Manuel Madrazo and Luis Valtueña (Jan. 18) among other expatriates and UN personnel (Jan. and Feb.); massacres of Rwandan civilians in Kami Prison/Nyungwe Forest; massacres of clergy in Kalima, Zaire (Feb 25), systematic killings of Rwandan refugees and Zairean civilians in Zaire (Jan-May), particularly the axis Bukavu/Goma/ Lubutu/Ubundu-Kisangani/Ikela/Boende/Wendji-Secli and Mbandaka (Zaire); pillage of diamonds in Lubumbashi; pillage of natural resources in eastern Zaire, especially precious minerals, timber, cattle.

• 1998-1999: Massacres of civilians in northwestern Rwanda, especially in Ruhengeri, Gisenyi and Cyangugu; systematic killings of Rwandan refugees and Congolese civilians in the Democratic Republic of Congo;

• 2000: Systematic killings of Congolese civilians in Democratic Republic of Congo; violent death of Rwandan civilians in Rwanda, and violent death of Spanish priest Isidro Uzcudún in Mugina/Gitarama, Rwanda (June 10), among others.

Main people responsible for these crimes, and members of the RPA/RPF political and military helm (not exhaustive list): PAUL KAGAME, Major General; JAMES KABAREBE, Major General; KAYUMBA NYAMWASA, Major General; KARENZI KARAKE, Brigadier General; FRED IBINGIRA, Major General; RWAHAMA JACKSON MUTABAZI, Colonel; JACK NZIZA, Brigadier General; RUGUMYA GACINYA, Lieutenant-Colonel; DAN MUNYUZA, Colonel: CHARLES KAYONGA, Lieutenant-General

In recent years, Kagame has stated that it is Rwanda’s role to play a part in the prevention of Genocide in Africa and elsewhere. As such, the Rwanda Defense Forces have become one of the major contributors of African peace keeping in Darfur, as well as the newly created hybrid AU-UN force. In June 2008, Kagame criticized the authoritarian regime of President Mugabe
Mugabe.

Regarding human rights

Human rights refer to the “basic rights and freedom to which all humans are entitled.” Examples of rights and freedoms which have come to be commonly thought of as human rights include civil and political rights, such as the right to life and liberty, freedom of speech, and equality before the law; and social, cultural and economic rights, i…
under the current government of President Paul Kagame, Human Rights Watch
Human Rights Watch

Human Rights Watch is a United States based, international non-governmental organization that conducts research and advocacy on human rights. Its headquarters are in New York City….
has accused Rwandan police of several instances of extra-judicial killings and deaths in custody. In June 2006, the International Federation of Human Rights
International Federation of Human Rights

The International Federation of Human Rights aka F?d?ration internationale des droits de l’homme is a federation of non-governmental human rights organizations….
and Human Rights Watch described what they called “serious violations of international humanitarian law committed by the Rwanda Patriotic Army”.

According to The Economist

The Economist is an English-language weekly news and international relations publication owned by The Economist Newspaper Ltd. and edited in London….
, Kagame “allows less political space and press freedom at home than Robert Mugabe
Robert Mugabe.

The United States

The United States of America is a Federal government constitutional republic comprising U.S. state and a federal district. The country is situated mostly in central North America, where its Contiguous United States and Washington, D.C., the Capital districts and territories, lie between the Pacific Ocean and Atlantic Oceans, Borders of the U…
‘ government in 2006 described the human rights record of the Kagame government as “mediocre”, citing the “disappearances” of political dissidents, as well as arbitrary arrests and acts of violence, torture and murders committed by police. US authorities listed human rights problems including the existence of political prisoners and limited freedom of the press, freedom of assembly and freedom of religion.

Reporters Without Borders
Reporters Without Borders

Reporters Without Borders, or RWB is a Paris-based international non-governmental organization that advocates freedom of the press. It was founded in 1985 by current Secretary General Robert M?nard, Rony Brauman and the journalist Jean-Claude Guillebaud….
listed Rwanda in 147th place out of 169 for freedom of the press in 2007, and reported that “Rwandan journalists suffer permanent hostility from their government and surveillance by the security services”. It cited cases of journalists being threatened, harassed and arrested for criticising the government. According to Reporters Without Borders, “President Paul Kagame and his government have never accepted that the press should be guaranteed genuine freedom.”

Gov't searching for fugitive Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa

Gov't searching for fugitive Gen. Kayumba Nyamwasa

Kigali: A career soldier, diplomat and most recently linked to the troubled Green Party, Lt. Gen. Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa is against back in the news for all the wrong reasons. Government says he is “on the run” in Uganda – a neighbour with which Rwanda almost went to war, RNA reports.


A government communiqué on Friday evening said the embattled Rwandan diplomat to India and renowned ex-army chief no longer represents Rwanda in Delhi with immediate effect. General Kayumba is also sought for crimes committed back home, according to the brief communiqué, also read on state TV and Radio.

The Government says he is in Uganda, but does not say how and why he got there. The statement does not also say which crimes he supposed to answer for.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has apparently also started behind-the-scenes maneuvers to have him extradited to Rwanda to answer for the yet unspecified charges, according to the government communiqué.

Last week, the soft-spoken General was in the country along with fellow other envoys for the annual ambassadors’ retreat organised by the Foreign Affairs Ministry. The line-minister Louise Mushikiwabo opened and closed the two-day meeting.

It is not yet clear if he returned to his posting in Delhi before fleeing or simply travelled to Uganda.

Green Party

The General has had his fair share of controversy. Most recently, almost all the local newspapers which brand themselves as ‘independent’ reported that a top secret dossier had been compiled by the intelligence community detailing all people behind the trouble-ridden Green Party of Rwanda.

Among those named also includes Senators, the Police Commissioner General Emmanuel Gasana and several other top former and current government officials. Perhaps the biggest shock was the naming of a senior aide to the Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni, by the names of Dr. John Nagenda.

Among the tens of people named in the controversial dossier – to which government has not commented, or even any of the people named, only Dr. Nagenda, said to be of Rwandan origin, has responded - denying any links to the Green Party.

However, he confirmed that he is an uncle to the Green Party leader Mr. Frank Habineza, for who he even paid tuition at some point.

Army chief

Before the Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) rebels captured power in 1994, Colonel Faustin Kayumba Nyamwasa was the Commanding Officer of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) in the rebel ranks. He would be brought in to battle the ousted government army and interahamwe for several years. Brigade 221 which Nyamwasa headed managed the war-torn northern Rwanda.

In January 1998, then Colonel Kayumba Nyamwasa was appointed army chief of staff replacing then Colonel Samuel Kanyemera. He would become Major General and later Lt. General. Those still in the army ranks describe him as a very strict disciplinarian, but likable officer.

During the dark days after the ex-army and interahamwe militias had been forced out of Rwanda into neighboring Zaire – now DR Congo, General Nyamwasa camped in the heart of the rebel zone in northern Rwanda.

As government struggled to contain the rebel incursions between 1996 to around 1999, General Kayumba was said to have been personally overseeing the war effort. At some point in January 1998, he told the BBC that "We have the means. We have the will. We will kill until they lose their appetite for war.”

And indeed, following the second invasion of DRC by Rwandan forces in 1998 up until now, the interahamwe – now known largely as the FDLR have not been able to strike on Rwandan territory.

President Paul Kagame – then vice president and Defense Minister, up until early 2000, was also a major brain behind the country’s military successes against the rebels.

Sacked

In 2001, General Nyamwasa was relieved of his duties, replaced briefly by exiled General Bem Emmanuel Habyarimana, an ex-FAR officer who was also later replaced by current full General James Kabarebe when Habyarimana become Defense Minister. General Kayumba was sent on training in the UK.

In November 2002, government redeployment returned General Nyamwasa as Head of Security Services – described as coordinating the internal and external security apparatus.

Two years later, the General was posted to India as the country’s envoy – a post he held until Friday.

International indictments

General Kayumba is now not only a fugitive from national justice, he is also sought by the Spanish and French governments over contested indictments.

In November 2006, a French anti-terrorism Judge Jean Louise Bruguiere indicted General Kayumba, along with nine other senior military officers for allegedly being part of the enterprise which assassinated former Rwandan President Juvenal Habyarimana.

The indictments led to Rwanda severing relations with France completely until this Thursday – with the visit of French President Nicholas.

Trouble was not about to end. In February 2008, Spanish judge Andreu Fernando Merrelles also named General Nyamwasa among the 40 people he indicted for the death of Spanish nuns and war crimes.

In both of the indictments, President Kagame is also named but was not indicted owing to presidential immunity under international law. Government has fiercely contested the warrants – but the Spanish indictments have not gone far.

At the time, General Kayumba – a diplomat in India and therefore also protected under international law, angrily dismissed the two indictments.

Belgium Worried About Lack Of Democracy In Rwanda (18.02.10)

The new Foreign Affairs minister of Belgium, Steven Vanackere (CD&V), recently visited the great lakes region. On January 25th, Belgium newspaper De Standaard reports:

`Vanackere benadrukt dat hij in Congo, Rwanda en Burundi geen enkel gespreksthema uit de weg is gegaan. ‘Zo heb ik in Congo het hoofd van de militaire justitie erop gewezen dat je geen opleiding nodig hebt om te weten dat je niet moet verkrachten.'En aan de Rwandese president Paul Kagame — voor wie De Gucht altijd een stuk milder was dan voor Kabila — zei Vanackere dat hij bezorgd was over het gebrek aan een oppositiepartij.`

In English:

`Vanackere stressed that on his visit to Congo, Rwanda and Burundi, no subject has been avoided. 'I have, for example, told the head of military justice in Congo that you don't need education to know that you should not rape.' And he told the Rwandese President Paul Kagame, of which his predecessor Karel de Gucht was less critical, that he had worries about the lack of a opposition party.`

Today, the largest Dutch newspaper, de Telegraaf, writes that Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza, who has recently returned to Rwanda as Presidential Candidate for a Rwandan political party, has been attacked at a municipal office in Rwanda. Police stood by without protecting her and her assistant. The New Times, a "newspaper" that in reality publishes propaganda in favor of the current military junta, has for weeks been writing half-truths and lies about her. Off course, again today, the New Times wrote a distorted account of what actually took place: "Ingabire was standing in line and didn't want to wait for her turn." I am affraid The New Times campaign of character assasination will continue. There strategy seems to be: "Throw as much shit at her, some of it will stick." Allafrica, a faithfull publisher of government friendly press in Rwanda, continues to pass on these "press releases". It's amazing it doesn't hurt their business model. Makes me wonder concerning the credibility of the news they receive from other "news sources" in Africa. US mainstream media have kept silent about Ingabire´s return to Rwanda so far, makes me wonder how much longer they can wait. I can´t wait to hear what Philip Gourevitch or Stephen Kinzer have to say about her.

Voice Of America reports that Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza will today publish an open letter to Paul Kagame demanding protection in the run up to the Presidential elections. Wouldn't it be great if Reverend Rick Warren made a video with his "friend paul", a civil forum setting would do, asking him to protect Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza?

Interior Ministry dismisses Ingabire’s security worries (18.02.10)

Kigali: Embattled opposition politician Ms. Ingabire Victoire Umuhoza cannot be given personal security escorts, instead she just has to abide by the country’s laws, the Interior Minister said Thursday, a day after Ingabire claimed a mob had attacked her.

Sheikh Musa Fazil Harelimana said the fiery politician is “one among about 10million Rwandans,” and cannot be provided personal guards as she had demanded in the February 03 letter to the Minister. Sheikh Harelimana is himself leader of Ideal Democratic Party (PDI), one of the six small coalition partners to the ruling Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF).

Ms. Ingabire indicated Wednesday she would write to President Paul Kagame seeking to have her security guaranteed ahead of the August 09 presidential polls. It has now emerged that the letter was addressed to the Interior Minister – under whose portfolio internal security falls.

Among the issues the now controversial mother-of-four raises includes accusations that security operatives have been trailing her since she arrived in the country January 12. Ms. Ingabire also reportedly claims that security personnel, including police officers, are part of a concerted effort to intimidate her.

“What is wrong with somebody trailing you, as long as they don’t harm you?” said Minister Harelimana on the BBC Kinyarwanda service. “Our Police officers have name tags, but Ingabire does not provide any names of officers trailing her.”

Sheikh Harelimana said Ms. Ingabire allegations are “baseless” as Rwanda’s Police Force is “professional” and “respected across Africa and globally”.

The Interior Minister was the first government official to rap the FDU Inkingi leader following contested comments she made at the Kigali Genocide Memorial Center on her arrival from the 16-year exile.

The fire-spitting lady wondered why the memorial, where some 250,000 people are laid to rest, only honors Tutsis killed by Hutus disregarding Hutus killed by Tutsis. Ms. Ingabire did not elaborate but her comments, made for the first time on Rwandan territory, raised a storm here with some sections saying she was promoting the double Genocide theory.

The Genocide survivors’ umbrella organization IBUKA has demanded that Ms. Ingabire be barred from visiting any other memorial site, accusing her of negating the Tutsi mass slaughter. The group was also very specific - urging government to prosecute her.

Paul Kagame's Rwanda Dictatorship : Frank Talk on Kagame's Rwanda by one of his former soldier (14.02.2010)

I am Tutsi myself. I fought the war and did a lot to stop the genocide. I agree that the 1994 genocide was planed by selfish politicians in the region as well as some politicians in Europe. If you asked me to tell you why I fell out with Kagame, my simple answer is that I thought Kagame was going to usher in fundamental change. This did not happen.

I wanted him to democratize Rwanda. I wanted him to reduce the powers of the president, I wanted him to go beyond ethnic divisions, I wanted him to unite Rwandans. This he failed. First, it became a principle that any Tutsi army officer who got involved with or married a Hutu lady was either killed or the relationship was frustrated. This was done with Kagame's approval.

What is interesting is that the game Kagame is playing against the Hutu and Twa is the very game the Hutu will play against the Tutsi when they also reorganize and come to power. You wait, it wont take too long!

It is true there are no identity cards indicating who is Tutsi, Hutu or Twa. But frankly speaking, is there any sober person who has ever lived in Rwanda under Kagame that would say there is no discrimination? True, discrimination in Rwanda is now done secretly unlike before the Genocide. For example, let us mention the two camps that are the masters of appointments in Rwanda namely the James Musoni and the Dr. Ndahiro camps. Who can qualify through either of these camps for appointment if he/she is not Tutsi? No doubt there are some Hutus in "strategic" places. But let us be open, do such people like the Prime Minister, the Speaker of Parliament, the Minister of defense, etc, all of whom are Hutu, make any crucial decision? It is even clear from their facial expression that they are insecure. Some Tutsi young boys are real the controllers of these seemingly strong men. Friends ... let us be frank. Kagame regime must change or else, when the Hutu finally take power, the Tutsi should be prepared to be treated the same way.

There is a problem in Kigali under Kagame, every thing that comes up, they will immediately go to their defensive. Every body who tries to say something contrary to the "correct line" is immediately referred to as a killer!

By the way, do you know how many people we as RPA killed in Byumba and in many other places? Why isn't this also talked about openly? Do you know how many Hutu that were killed by RPA?! Do you know how many Tutsi have been killed by Kagame? Dont just blindly defend Kagame, he is a killer!! This he knows himself. He even ever asked us in some senior officers' meeting "what will happen when the world comes to know everything we did?" Do you think France and Spain are stupid? Those guys are right. The only mistake they did is that their list of wanted RPA officers is short. Also, the list does not include Tutsi civilians who killed. Otherwise Kagame is a killer!
(The writer is referring to international arrest warrants issued by a Spanish judge. See "Spanish judge issues arrest warrant for 40 Rwandan army officers and men" of 13 Feb 2008 on our front page - Editor)

The common belief that Kagame does not stomach corruption .. wait a moment! All the names of people like Kalegeya and others, whom Kagame allegedly "dealt with" for corruption are simply sacrifices. It is because they disagreed with the guy ( Kagame) on the way forwards for the administration of the state. The real corrupt people who accept to do business for Kagame are never bothered! Consider James Musoni, Dr. Ndahiro, Nziza, among others. The good thing with Kagame, and as some writer refered to him as being good at creating a positive image of himself in public is that when one opposes him, he will get rid of that person under pretext of "fighting corruption". What about Kagame's wife? Do you know how corrupt she is? What about the Charles Kayongas, James, etc.. these are extremely corrupt guys.

Just pray that there is a change in Kagame's approach or let us us pray for a bloodless regime change in Kigali.

Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative : Rwanda is the source of instability in region

Kigali: The Rwandan envoy in London has furiously dismissed the contested report of the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative (CHRI) which among many concerns, says Rwanda is not a good neighbour to live with, an in-depth review of the report suggests. Rwanda does not meet the requirements of the 1991 Harare Declaration which expresses the Commonwealth’s interest in international understanding, co-operation and world peace, according to the 26-page document. As an association of both governments and people, the 53 members considered at the meet in October 1991 that the issue of inter-state relations should have considerable significance for the Commonwealth. “It would seem that for a variety of reasons the Rwanda government, which maintains a large army, has made military incursions abroad, particularly into the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC)”, wrote Kenyan constitutional expert Professor Yash Pal Ghai, on page 12. “Rwanda’s intervention has been a major source of instability in the DRC, and has caused great suffering to communities living there, particularly the eastern part”, he adds. Professor Yash also writes that the “Rwanda government also refused to co-operate with countries where prosecuting authorities have issued warrants against its senior party or military officials for crimes against humanity”. Rwanda’s UK Ambassador Mr. Claver Gatete who is currently in Kigali lashed out on Wednesday at the author saying he ignores crucial and wide ranging developments in his country. On the laws against genocide ideology which the Commonwealth expert described as wanting, the Rwanda envoy says they are actually much more lenient compared to British laws against holocaust negation. However, an official with the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative revealed to RNA Wednesday that the report obtained by the Guardian newspaper is not the final version. “We will be publishing the report, with some additions, in the coming week”, she said in an email message. The preliminary report which RNA also obtained was apparently presented to the UK House of Lords on July 20. It also claims that “many of what used to be independent non-government organizations are now essentially government organized non-government organizations (or GONGOs)”. “Those remaining independent organizations often, like the media, practice self-censorship in order to be able to continue working and receiving foreign funding”, it adds on page 12.

To the Kagame's government you must know , understand and think Twice where you are taking Rwandas

The Truth on Rwanda Tragedy can be buried and stomped into the ground where none can see, yet eventually it will, like a seed, break through the surface once again far more potent than ever, and Nothing can stop it. Truth can be suppressed for a "time", yet It cannot be destroyed

No more French unless France recolonises Rwanda”

By RNA Reporters

Monday, 14 September 2009 Kigali: As the fallout over the implementation of the shift from French to English rages on, a top cabinet official has made it clear that the road away from French is unstoppable, RNA reports. New Education Minister Dr. Charles Murigande shut the door to any more discussion over the policy with the strongest comments ever made by a top government official. Dr. Murigande said Sunday that everything is on course for all schools to start teaching in English. “There is no turning back to French as a language of instruction in this country,” he said to an audience of journalists and stakeholders, while pounding his table. “We have switched to English forever.” Government has argued that taking up English simply reinforces Rwanda’s position in the international system. However critics accuse government of abandoning a constitutional stipulation which makes Rwanda a country with three languages English, French and Kinyarwanda. Last week one of the fiercest critics of government Mr. Paul Rusesabagina – the exiled face behind the Hollywood movie ‘Hotel Rwanda’, also raised his toughest attacks. He claimed in a BBC program that a “small group of between 30,000 and 40,000 people who came from Uganda” is imposing English on the whole country. Mr. Rusesabagina has launched a campaign to ensure Rwanda is not allowed into the British Commonwealth group of nations. Officials just brushed off these latest actions by the man accused here of seeking to acquire fame from the country’s suffering. Rwanda has been French-speaking for ages which completely disqualifies it outrightly from the British grouping, argues Mr. Rusesabagina. But supporters of Kigali have branded him as irrelevant. For Education Minister Dr. Murigande, who is not new to very strong comments against France, the road to ending French is no room for compromise. Rwanda, he told his audience Sunday, will never go back to French “unless France recolonises Africa”. About two years ago, Dr. Murigande, when he was Foreign Affairs Minister told RNA in a wide ranging interview: “We were killed by the French in the name of Francophonie” referring to the grouping of French colonies. Government is finalizing plans to build thousands of new classrooms across the country in time for the start in January of the nine-year basic education program. Education officials also want the expansion program to come with a phasing-in of English in all schools as the language of instruction. Science subjects are already being taught in English and universities have all switched all instruction to English.

The Rwandan Genocide: Result of a Carefully Planned Military Operation Open Letter to President Kagame

Arusha, Tanzania, 12th May, 2009 OPEN LETTER TO HIS EXCELLENCY PAUL KAGAME, PRESIDENT OF THE REPUBLIC OF RWANDA AT KIGALI OBJECT: The denunciation of the discriminatory actions and intentions of the Rwandan authorities. Your excellency, President of the Republic, The detainees of the ICTR, signatories of the present document have judged it necessary to react to your racist and discriminatory intentions announced by several Rwandan personalities on the occasion of the 15th anniversary of the Rwandan “genocide”, celebrated on Nyanza hill, a Kigali the 11th of April 2009. The Rwandan government stated that 5,000 people were taken from the Official Technical School (ETO) at Kicukiro, the 11th of April 1994 and were then massacred at Nyanza hill. Those who stated this were Charles Muligande, M. Simburudi, president of the IBUKA Association which represents the Tutsi survivors of the “genocide” the deputy mayor of Kigali and Dr. Augustin Iyamuremye, senator and former chief of the civilian intelligence services in the Rwandan government of 1994. We think that the things said do not take any account of the truth or the reality of the history of our country, but instead, have as the purpose of terrorising, intimidating and humiliating the Hutu people of Rwanda who are globally accused of having planned and committed a “genocide” against the Tutsis. Our reaction is motivated by the fact that the RPF regime wants to wipe from the history of Rwanda, the revolutionary period that liberated the people of Rwanda from the yoke of a feudal monarchy and that ushered in national construction once the country achieved its independence. The ultimate objective of the RPF is clearly to erase the history of Rwanda and the benefits of the republican period to better support their false thesis according to which the Hutus only marked the history of the country with barbarism and “genocide” of the Tutsis. It is a vision both false and divisionist and it is clear that, by propagating it, you have abandoned the interests of the Rwandan people. 1.Pre-colonial Rwanda and Colonial Rwanda cannot be a model The deputy mayor of Kigali stated “We want to change history in order to present another Rwanda that is not that of the period between 1959 and 1994, a Rwanda like it was before; that which we inherited from our ancestors; the Rwanda of children of Rwanda who live without division, without hate, without discrimination.” Thus the RPF regime pretends that in the precolonial and colonial periods the ethnicities composing the Rwandan nation lived harmoniously in peace, understanding and solidarity. It is a complete reversal of history.1 The feudal-monarchical regime of Rwanda is not a model to propose to Rwandans today. It was a period of social, political, economic and cultural inequality that characterised that period and that led to the social revolution of 1959. Many authors including eminent Tutsis in high positions of power have written about this.2 We think that in the context of the search for durable solutions for our country, the RPF must stop the manipulation and falsification of the history of Rwanda. We believe that the remedy is to search for a democratic, political compromise in the context of a sincere dialogue between the power and its opponents. Such a step cannot be accommodated with obscurantism of the past. We condemn without reservation all attempts to rewrite the history of Rwanda for propaganda and ideological aims that seek the monopolisation of power by the Tutsi ethnic group to the exclusion of the others composing the Rwandan society. 2. The Planning Of The Criminal War by the RPF Is The Essential Cause of the Rwandan tragedy Minister Muligande stated that “the ‘genocide’ of the Tutsis was planned by the government defeated in July 1994, without furnishing the least proof of this alleged planning. Very simply, he stated that the ‘genocide’ was taught over a long time by the MDR/PARMEHUTU and later by the MRND. Such statements are nothing but propaganda. The MDR and MRND parties never practised racism or discrimination against the Tutsis. It is well known that under the Habyarimana regime between 5th July 1973 to the war in October 1990 the Hutus and Tutsis lived in symbiosis. The ethnic divisions of 1990-1994 were the consequence of the strategy of destabilisation of the RPF to rally the Tutsis of the interior of Rwanda to the cause of the RPF Tutsi from Uganda who had invaded the country and to attract sympathy in world opinion. Following the social Revolution of 1959, a number of Tutsi dignitaries could not accept the democratic changes proclaimed by the people, and fled the country and during many years systematically rejected all offers made by the government to return peacefully and participate in the construction of the country as Rwandans. They took hostage the Tutsi refugees and prevented them from returning as long as they were not assured of taking back their former power to exercise to their profit. The Tutsi diaspora dominated by these extremists preferred to organise in a movement of “liberation” called the INYENZI[3] and conduct several attacks against Rwanda in the 1960s with the aim of taking power by force of arms. It is for this reason that all the calls made to the refugees for their peaceful return to the country were made in vain.4 The MRND party practised a policy of peace, of national unity and progress that was enormously profitable to the Tutsis of the country.5 It is false and unjust to accuse the MRND of having persecuted Tutsis or having refused the right of return to those Tutsis wishing to return to Rwanda. Everyone knows today that it was the RPF who torpedoed the Accords signed between Rwanda and Uganda under the auspices of the UNHCR, the 31st of July, 1990. Instead of permitting the delegation of refugees awaited in Kigali at the end of September, 1990 to go there in the context of working under that Accord to work out the mechanism for the return en masse of refugees the RPF launched a surprise attack against Rwanda on the 1st of October 1990, beginning its war of aggression. You must have the courage to recognise that this war, launched at the moment when a political solution had been found to the refugee problem is the origin of the Rwandan tragedy. The RPF sowed desolation and created divisions, a climate of terror and distrust among the population subjected to four years of RPF violence. By these terrorist attacks and subversion, the RPF provoked the total destabilisation of Rwanda.6 The RPF planned and executed the attack of April 6, 1994 that took the lives of President Juvenal Habyarimana of Rwanda and Cyprien Ntaryamira of Burundi as well as their respective entourage and the French crew knowing full well that the attack would provoke violence in the country. Directly after the attack they attacked on all fronts, precipitating total chaos throughout the country. It was the RPF that planned the destruction of the country. This is attested to by the incapacity of the prosecutor at the ICTR to prove a plan to commit genocide before its international jurisdiction. Indeed, all the heavy condemnations of genocide pronounced against the Hutus before the ICTR are founded on the illegal judicial notice made by the Appeal Chamber of June 16, 2006. 7 In Rwanda, tribunals continue to condemn en masse the Hutus for having allegedly planned “genocide” without the slightest proof, all the while refusing any debate on the question.8 Despite the judicial notice imposed by the Appeal Chamber of the ICTR on June 16, 2006, for political reasons having the objective of condemning the accused at the Tribunal, the controversy over this decision continues. Conscious of their enormous responsibilities in the Rwandan tragedy, the RPF does not miss any opportunity to cry about the “genocide of the Tutsis.” So, it was not without some thought that the Minister Muligande stated on 11th April at the Nyanza memorial at Kigali;” We had the chance to win the war to get recognition of the genocide. If not, we would become the Armenians whose genocide is still contested because they lost the war.”. M. Mulligande is very conscious of the responsibilities that fall on the RPF, even if he does not have the courage to admit it. The RPF abuses its actual position to impose the “genocide” of the Tutsis, practising the justice of the victor over the vanquished.9 The leaders of the RPF must stop falsifying history with ideological propaganda and have the courage to recognise their heavy responsibility in the Rwandan drama. 3.The Reality of the Numbers of Dead in the Rwandan Tragedy The loss of life is always regrettable. But the reality of the numbers of dead in the “Rwandan genocide” remains a great mystery 15 years after the events, Even if public opinion agrees with the number if 800,000 to a million victims, many other numbers have been advanced, ranging from 250,000 to 2 million by experts, the UN, NGOs and the RPF such that total confusion reigns. Gerard Prunier recognises that there is no systematic count and that the numbers rely on opinion more than facts.10 The Rwandan government of the RPF prefers too maintain this confusion. That is why it has refused to reveal the numbers of survivors of the “genocide” from which it is easy to evaluate the umber of dead Tutsis and dead Hutus. It prefers things blurred so the world does not know the extent of the massacres committed against the Hutus by the RPF and to inflate the number of Tutsi victims. It is necessary too note that the Census of the population organised under the supervision of the UN (UNDP, UNFAP,CEA) and with the aid of countries such as the USA and Canada that terminated on the 15th of August, 1991 fixed the total number of Tutsis in the country at 8.4% of the population of 7,099.844 persons. Thus, the numbers that suggest that the entire Tutsi population was massacred between April and July 1994 are simply fantasies. It is no secret to anyone that many Tutsis survived even if the government in Kigali does not want to publish the figures. We contest these numbers that create confusion that the regime wants to exploit in order to manipulate national and international opinion for ideological objectives. Concerning the dead interred at Nyanza hill in Kigali, Captain Lemaire who commanded the Belgian detachment at the ETO in Kicukiro en April 1994, testified before the ICTR that the refugees there numbered about 1,000 to 2,000 persons,[11] not the 5,000 claimed by the RPF. In the circumstances prevailing at the time the extermination of 5,000 people in several minutes in open terrain is simply impossible. On the contrary, witnesses worthy of the name state that the majority of those buried at Nyzana hill are the thousands of Hutu refugees massacred by the men of the RPF, on the 22 and 23 of May 1994 while they attempted to flee the RPF soldiers who had just captured the garrison at Camp Kanombe. The deputy mayor of Kigali City presented the Gisozi memorial as the high place of pilgrimage and sad memories of “genocide”. This place stores, according the official declarations of the government, 250,000 human skulls. However, they cannot be from the former prefecture of the city of Kigali as they claim. Indeed, the total population of Kigali city was, according to the census of 15 August 1991, 221, 806 persons, of which 81.4% were Hutu, and 17.9% Tutsi. Using a figure of 3.2% growth per year, the total population of Kigali city was around 240,000 inhabitants in 1994 taken at its maximum, with the Tutsi population being estimated at 50,000 persons at its highest. This figure does not accord with the 250,000 skulls exposed at the Gisozi memorial especially when one remembers that many of the Tutsis in Kigali survived the war.12 The numbers of skulls is even more incomprehensible when on admits that the city of Kigali has other memorials notably that at Nyanza and Rebero where other thousands of remains are exposed. This example shows how the manipulation of numbers is important on a national level. Several witnesses have stated before the ICTR that Gisozi was occupied by the RPA (army of the RPF) from the 8th of April. Therefore it was the RPF that ethnically cleansed the zones of Gisozi-Kagugu and Kabuye in the Rutongo commune, in the prefecture of Kigali and all undesirable persons including the war displaced refugees from the refugee camps of Nyacyonga and Rusine, who had fled to the city after their camps were bombarded by the RPF. Several former members of the RPF have denounced the massacres of thousands of persons in these zones.13 Al these persons were summarily executed by the agents of the DMI (Directorate of Military Intelligence of the RPF) in the military camp at Kami taken by the RPF in mid-April 1994. These massacres were part and parcel of the plan by the RPF to eliminate as large a number as possible of the cadre of Hutu intellectuals. Today, the same logic of annihilation of the Hutu elite that the RPF follows is behind their lists of pretended “Hutu genocidaires” including those already judged and acquitted. It is the same logic followed in the famous law of confessions of guilt that encourages the denunciation of and false statements against the innocent. The “gacaca” procedures are an extra-judicial system beneath all the jurisdictions. It is used by the regime to annihilate all undesirables. We want to insist that you remember that you yourself, Mr. President, who was the first to suggest this strategy when in 1996, at Nyamirambo, in a large meeting organised by your party, you stated that it would be necessary to have the patience “to empty a barrel of water with a coffee spoon”.14 The damage of your genocidal policy has passed all bounds and we demand that you stop it immediately. 4. The Responsibilities of the International Community in the Rwandan Drama In their talks the highest authorities of Rwanda have criticised the role of the international community during the “genocide”. Thus, in your speech of 7 April, 2009, you castigated the attitude of the UN, qualifying it as “cowardice” saying; “We are not those who abandoned the people who needed protection; they left them to be killed; are they not guilty? I think also that is cowardice; they left before a single shot was fired!” We are convinced that such singing speeches vis a vis the international community cannot be indefinitely allowed to pass. However, we invite this same international community to react quickly, they who encouraged and supported your criminal project to take power by force of arms, through the disastrous actions of Genera Romeo Dallaire at the head of UNAMIR, to whom you announced the imminent cataclysm on the 2nd of April 1994[15] and who did nothing to stop it, and the no less criminal actions of the successive prosecutors at the ICTR in Arusha, whom you have succeeded in submitting to your law of terror. We regret that the UN did not help Rwandans to resolve peacefully the conflict that you brought to the country in 1994, notably in pressing Uganda and the RPF sufficiently and condemning the war of aggression of which Rwanda was the victim. The UN did not even condemn the various violations of ceasefires by the RPF and the peace accords that it signed. The international community complied with your ultimatum made on the 12 of April 1994 to all foreign forces to leave the country in 12 hours or be attacked, that accelerated the retreat of UNAMIR from Rwanda at the time when it was needed most.16 The vote in the Security Council for the resolution to reduce the UNAMIR forces, that was heavy in consequences, aided your organisation in its Machiavellian plans to take power in Kigali as quickly as possible.17 The UN betrayed the government of Rwanda that launched anguished appeals for help to stabilise the security situation in the country. The UN was paralysed by the USA and the United Kingdom; it could not intervene in time to send the 5,500 men of UNAMIR II as the Security Council finally decided to do after the RPF victory. Those forces arrived in Rwanda after your seizing of power and to consolidate your power. They helped you by not reacting to your massacres of the innocents including the 4,000 refugees you murdered at Kibeho in April 1995. Not only do we accuse the RPF of having chased the international community from Rwanda at the moment when they were needed the most but also we believe that the decisions of the UN were gravely prejudicial to the people and government of Rwanda, in permitting the military victory of the RPF, obtained in a bloodbath. These same decisions gave the RPF the legitimacy to continue its massacres of the Rwandan people and the right to attribute the role of having stopped the “genocide” to themselves and to judges its real victims. We note with great disappointment that the presence of UNAMIR II did not deter you from continuing the massacre of the defenceless Hutu population, over the entire country in 1994-95 and we will not forget the silence of the UN in the face of the innumerable atrocities committed by your troops, when they attacked the refugees camps in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo (Zaire) and their long calvary in the Congo forest. We want to remind you of the 200,000 Hutu refugees who were horribly massacred by your troops in 1996-97. We think that the complacency of the international community on your behalf does not exonerate you of your responsibilities in the Rwandan drama. We demand justice for all Rwandans, Tutsi, Hutu and Twa killed or today traumatised by your criminal policy. 5. The Theory of a Double Genocide The Minister Muligande vilified “those who try to diminish the genocide, to deny it, by inventing the theory of a “double genocide”, arguing that there were the deaths of Hutus during the genocide.” He clarified his thoughts by referring to the second world war where “there was a genocide of the Jews, but also of 20 million Russians, However, the genocide is recognised as having been against the Jews. This was the same thing concerning the high number of deaths among the German soldiers which surpassed the number of Jews killed, arguing that the Germans were killed to stop the genocide.” These words of your adviser show that the leaders of the RPF recognise having massacred hundreds of thousands of innocent Hutus. However, we estimate that the comparison has no sense and that the events in Rwanda in 1990-1994 are not comparable to the history of the Second World War. The launching of the Second World War in 1939 rests the responsibility of the government of Germany, just as the responsibility for the invasion of Rwanda in October 1990 from Uganda rests the responsibility of the state of Uganda and the RPF. Hitler launched his offensive to conquer countries and during that long conquest, the Jews were denounced, arrested, killed or deported to concentration camps, principally in Germany. The Jews did not take up arms against Germany. If it is necessary to make a comparison it is rather the RPF and its allies that made war against Rwanda and who, in their mad war for the conquest of power, they massacred hundreds of thousands of Rwandans. Your soldiers Mr. President, conducted a war of extermination; they violated the cease-fire agreements and the Arusha accords to take power by force of arms without caring about the security of the population. How can you explain to Rwandans the obstinate refusal by you of all cease-fire proposals made to you between April and July 1994 if you had any concerns for the protection of the civilian population? And why did you literally empty the population of all the regions you seized? What can you say when 4,000 Hutu refugees were massacred by your troops a Kibeho in April 1995? These are the sad realities of the RPF regime that you want to hide by the abusive usage of the word “negationism” to stop the parents of victims from expressing their suffering and denouncing the injustices done to them? 6. Pardon and Reconciliation It arises from the present account that the members of the RPF committed crimes and massacres against the defenceless civilian population of the sole reason that they were Hutus.18 This sad reality Minister Muligande wants to cover up by stating it was the Hutus who had to die because the RPF fought to stop the genocide. The coalition of the NRA (Ugandan army) RPF did not attack Rwanda in 1990 to stop a genocide. The manhunt conducted against the peasants of Rwanda, throughout the war, was not designed to stop a “genocide” against the Tutsis. It is illusory to try to deny the responsibility of the RPF in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of victims in Rwanda and the DRC or to minimise them, arrogating only to yourself the right of inquiry, from the sole fact of your military victory. We think that with such a logic national reconciliation is impossible. Because, you want to hide the truth of the tragic events that plunged Rwanda into mourning and that implicate your close collaborators, civil and military. Also we consider that the time has come for your regime to see the reality in front of its face, instead of pursuing your indecent ideological propaganda, that from that time has shamefully exploited unhappiness you have inflicted on the Rwandan people. The drift of your regime has irremediably distanced the Rwandan people from the objective of national reconciliation, outside the artifices that you have been pleased to serve to the various visitors to Rwanda but which cannot remedy the evil that is very profound. The instrumentalisation of the persecution of the Hutus accused of an “ideology of genocide” constitutes a way to criminalise the Hutus forever; not only those who were alive in 1994 but also those who will be borne in the future. It is sufficient to accuse them of the ideology of genocide to oppress the Hutus and justify this oppression before the world. This policy that has made the immense majority of Rwandans pariahs in the Rwandan society, is inescapable, because it has become a factor of exclusion and marginalising of the Hutus in order to ensure the domination of the Tutsi. The dialogue between power and its opponents is the only voice to get out of this impasse. But after having decreed that only the Tutsis were victims of the war that you launched and that the Hutus do not even have the right to cry for their dead, or even worse, to bury them with dignity, the perspective of political dialogue with your opponents is not on your agenda contrary to dynamic of peace that occupy the other leaders of the region: Kenya, Burundi, RDC, Uganda, Central Africa. You installed the gacaca jurisdiction that has the mandate of criminalising all the Hutus and to force them into self-denunciation and the denunciation of others. In order to allow your regime to get rid of all your political adversaries now and in the future! Such a system can bring augers nothing good and has all the characteristics of fascism; it is the bearer of unhappiness for yourself and for the people of Rwanda. This is why we respectfully demand that you end it. Rwanda must face up to a number of deficiencies. The RPF regime cannot resolve them with humiliation, anathema and marginalising of the majority of the Rwandan population to whom you reserve only unjust and degrading treatment. This is why we encourage all the men and women of good will in Rwanda and around the world to make it possible to have a sincere and constructive dialogue between the power and its opponents in order to put a solid base for a real national reconciliation in Rwanda based on Truth and Justice and equity. We invite the Rwandan government to consider that there can be no national reconciliation in Rwanda based on manipulation and lies and propaganda, of humiliation and inferiority and intimidation of the ideology of genocide used to silence the Hutus who claim their rights. No power, no foreign force can resolve the political problems of Rwanda. It is the Rwandans themselves who must resolve them. As head of state it is entirely your responsibility to bring Rwandans to the path of true reconciliation by denouncing all actions and speeches that are provocative and divisionist as those spoken during the ceremonies of the 15th anniversary of the “genocide” by your close collaborators. In any event you must understand that such speeches do not serve your regime insofar as they are contrary to the vital interests of the Rwandan people and are not going to bring peace and national reconciliation. It is not possible to have national reconciliation as long as the RPF continues to refuse to recognise its clear responsibilities in the Rwandan tragedy, by making the Hutus responsible for a drama that the RPF planned and executed throughout the long war of 1990-1994. Please accept, Excellency, Mr. President of the Republic, the expression of our high consideration. Signatories Joseph Nzirorera General Augustin Ndindiliyimana Colonel Tharcisse Renzaho Colonel Ephrem Setako Callixte Kahmaanzira Captain Innocent Sagahutu Edouard Karamera Copied to all UN agencies including the Security Council, all judges and prosecutor of the ICTR, news organisations, ngos and other organisations